Russia urges probe of Libya civilians killed by NATO (Reuters)

UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) ? Russia’s U.N. envoy on Monday demanded there be a thorough investigation of civilians killed in NATO air strikes during its military operations in Libya, which led to the ouster and death of former leader Muammar Gaddafi.

Ambassador Vitaly Churkin was reacting to news reports about civilian deaths caused by NATO. Reuters reported on Friday that human rights groups estimated over 50 civilians were killed by the air strikes, while the New York Times published on Sunday an estimate of 40 to over 70.

Churkin told reporters the NATO alliance has so far failed to provide the U.N. Security Council with details about civilian casualties.

“Unfortunately NATO adopted a pure propaganda stand, claiming zero civilian casualties in Libya, which was completely implausible, first of all, and, secondly, not true,” he said.

Churkin said he would raise the issue in the 15-nation Security Council on Thursday.

“We hope that NATO is going to revisit this entire problem, is going to investigate this matter,” he said, adding that the United Nations could help with the investigation.

Churkin also criticized U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for suggesting last week that NATO had fully complied with its U.N. Security Council mandate to protect civilians in Libya.

“We expect the (U.N.) secretariat to be more careful when it passes its judgment on very important issues which the Security Council is dealing with,” he said.

After abstaining from a March 17 vote on U.N. Security Council resolution 1973, which authorized U.N. member states to enforce a no-fly zone and use “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians, Russia and China repeatedly accused NATO of overstepping its mandate by seeking to oust Gaddafi.

NATO spokeswoman Oana Lungescu said last week that the alliance had no figures for civilian casualties its bombing campaign may have caused but took “every possible precaution to minimize the possibility of civilian casualties.”

She said it was impossible to entirely remove the risk to civilians but the alliance “deeply regrets any loss of civilian life and if there is credible evidence it is for the Libyan authorities to take the lead in dealing with any such claim.”

Libyan U.N. envoy Ibrahim Dabbashi told Reuters last week he saw no need for a NATO investigation. He said that more than 40,000 Libyans died in the civil war and that a few civilian casualties due to the NATO attacks, however unfortunate, were inevitable.

(Louis Charbonneau)

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/europe/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20111219/wl_nm/us_libya_civilians_russia

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Republican Debate: Candidates Call For Military Strikes On Iran, Return Of Waterboarding

WASHINGTON — At the Republican debate on foreign policy Saturday night, the party’s candidates for president delivered a series of strong rebukes to the leadership of President Obama and offered a rare glimpse into their international outlooks, while also reopening the national debate on the suitability of torture.

“We’re here tonight talking to the American people about why every single one of us is better than Barack Obama, and that’s something everyone here can agree with,” former House Speaker Newt Gingrich said at the height of a debate that was high on technicalities and low on the kind of barbs and gaffes that have come to define many of the candidates’ previous engagements.

Foreign policy has not been a popular topic in this campaign to date. Obama’s approval rating on his handling of international affairs is unusually high, and with major international successes under his belt, including the killing of Osama bin Laden and the removal of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya, the subject has hardly proven a ripe ground for Republican criticism.

Few of the candidates have substantive international experience, and to some extent the debate Saturday night was an exercise in damage control and a chance to demonstrate a basic understanding of the facts and principles concerning American interests abroad.

In this regard, few had more to prove than Herman Cain, who has run a close second in most polls but continues to be dogged by the perception that he has an underwhelming interest in national security matters. Throughout the evening, Cain acquitted himself well, delivering a nuanced perspective on the threat posed by Iran — and avoiding major gaffes.

But Cain also provided one of the most striking moments when he argued in favor of the use of “enhanced interrogation” — including the now-rejected technique of waterboarding — in the fight against terrorism, a proposal that is likely to outrage many who thought the era of American-sponsored torture was over.

Attempting to parse his answer by suggesting that he did “not agree with torture, period,” but instead supported “enhanced interrogation,” Cain said he would rely on the military to decide which techniques were acceptable.

“I will trust the judgment of our military to determine what is torture and what is not torture,” Cain said. Asked about waterboarding in particular, he replied, “I would return to that policy. I don’t see it as torture, I see it as an enhanced interrogation technique.”

Both Representative Michele Bachmann (R-Minn.) and Texas Governor Rick Perry agreed with Cain, with Perry drawing sustained applause when declared, “This is war.” Of the use of waterboarding and other techniques, he added, “I will defend them until I die.”

The use of waterboarding was discontinued late in the administration of President George W. Bush, and top officials later conceded that waterboarding in particular was illegal.

But in the aftermath of the killing of Osama bin Laden, several Bush administration officials have launched an effort to resurrect the technique, or at least salvage its reputation, by suggesting that information acquired during the earlier waterboarding years may have provided an essential clue to locating bin Laden.

Only Representative Ron Paul (R-Texas) and former Utah Governor Jon Huntsman, who used the foreign policy debate to bolster his image as the experienced statesman of the current crop of Republican candidates, challenged the logic of the brutal tactic.

“We diminish our standing in the world and the values that we project, which include liberty, democracy, human rights and open markets, when we torture,” Huntsman said. “Waterboarding is torture. We shouldn’t torture.”

So far this year, the Republicans have spent more time avoiding the subject of foreign policy than deliberating it, in no small part because voters say they are much more likely to consider jobs and the economy when they select their next president.

Indeed, in a sign of the topic’s low priority, CBS, the co-sponsor of the debate with National Journal magazine, opted to broadcast only the first hour on national television. The last half-hour of the debate was streamed online, while the network returned to its regular programming, which for many was a rerun of the hit crime show “NCIS.”

But early in the debate, the candidates managed to latch on to one potential topic of vulnerability for President Obama: Iran.

A report out this week by the International Atomic Energy Agency unveiled new evidence that Iran has been attempting to develop a nuclear weapons program, and the candidates found rare agreement in their assertions that Obama had mishandled the situation there.

“This is of course President Obama’s greatest failing from a foreign standpoint,” said former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney. “He recognized the gravest threat that America and the world faces was a nuclear Iran, and he didn’t do what was necessary to get Iran to be dissuaded from their nuclear folly.”

Saying the president should have supported dissidents more and put in place more “crippling sanctions,” Romney concluded, “If all else fails, if after all of the work we’ve done, there’s nothing else we can do except military action, then of course you take military action.”

Cain, for his part, stopped short of supporting military action, although he said he would back much stronger sanctions than those President Obama has committed to.

“I would not entertain military opposition,” he said. “I’m talking about helping the opposition within the country.”

“The answers you just got are superior to the current administration,” Gingrich said. “There are a number of ways to be smart about Iran and relatively few ways to be dumb, and the administration has skipped all the ways to be smart.”

Former Pennsylvania Representative Rick Santorum took the strongest stance on Iran, proposing that the U.S. support an Israeli strike against Iranian nuclear facilities “before the next explosion in Iran is a nuclear one, and the world changes.”

Meanwhile, in his first debate appearance since he badly stumbled over the names of which government agencies he would want to cut, Perry deftly mocked himself for the gaffe, but also waded into an awkward situation when he seemed to propose that the U.S. cut all foreign aid to Israel.

During a discussion of Pakistan, Perry proposed that the U.S. temporarily reduce all foreign aid “to zero,” before re-evaluating whether to commit funds on a case-by-case basis. Perry was then asked if this proposition included Israel.

“Obviously Israel is a special ally, and my guess is we would be funding them at a high level,” Perry responded, “but everyone should come in at zero.”

Even before the debate was over, Perry’s official Twitter account began doing limited damage control, tweeting “Perry is a friend to Israel, understands challenges faced by the country,” along with a link to Perry’s position statement on Israel.

Romney initially said during the debate that he supported Perry’s idea of starting all foreign aid at zero, but has now walked back the implication that he would include Israel in that calculation.

“Governor Romney was talking about Pakistan when he said the foreign aid each year should start at zero,” Romney spokesman Ryan Williams told Politico’s Ben Smith. He added that he did not believe that Israel should see their foreign aid reduced to a starting point of zero.

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Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/11/12/gop-debate-iran-waterboarding_n_1090667.html

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Will Marshall: Lessons From Libya

Unlike the dictators of Tunisia and Egypt, Muammar Gaddafi refused to go peaceably when the Arab spring uprisings migrated next door to Libya. Last week he paid for that defiance with his life; an outcome that should rattle other regional tyrants, especially Syria’s Bashar al-Assad.

Gaddafi’s ouster was a triumph not only for Libya’s rebels but also for NATO, which turned the tide of battle in their favor. It also vindicated President Obama’s decision to let Europe take the lead and limit U.S. forces to a supporting role in enforcing the U.N.-sanctioned “no fly zone” over Libya.

I was skeptical that NATO airpower alone would be sufficient to de-fang Gaddafi, and wanted the allies to arm the rebels. It turns out, however, that NATO — in a very liberal interpretation of its mandate to protect Libyan civilians — worked closely with the opposition in a combined air and ground offensive that methodically wore down regime forces.

With a little help from their friends, Libyans liberated themselves, and some are now waving French and U.S. flags in gratitude. What we’ve witnessed in Libya, in fact, could be a new model for collective security in which the United States no longer bears a disproportionate share of the risks and costs of intervention. “We’ve demonstrated what collective action can achieve in the 21st century,” Obama declared last week. “Without putting a single U.S. service member on the ground, we achieved our objectives, and our NATO mission will soon come to an end.”

Unfortunately, the new model probably isn’t applicable to Syria, where another ruthless dictator confronts a popular revolt.

Bashar al-Assad is busy doing in Syria what NATO prevented Qaddafi’s forces from doing in Libya — slaughtering civilians. Even though his henchmen reportedly have killed between 3,000 and 5,000 or more civilians, courageous Syrians still take to the streets daily to challenge the regime.

The regime’s brutality has prompted thousands to defect from the Syrian army and join the opposition. Syria thus appears headed toward the same kind of armed insurrection that convulsed Libya. This time, however, there’s little chance that NATO will play deus ex machina to Syria’s rebels.

Western military intervention in Syria is unlikely for three main reasons. First, Syria is bigger and better armed than Libya, and lies in the Arab heartland rather than on its periphery. Second, while Libya’s erratic “Brother Leader” had few friends in the world, Assad has an important regional patron in Iran, whose Revolutionary Guard reportedly is helping him put down the protests. Third, Russia and China vehemently object to the principle of humanitarian intervention, presumably because they fear it could be invoked someday against them. Earlier this month they vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Assad for the violent suppression of peaceful protests.

The political and humanitarian stakes in Syria are growing. Gaddafi’s fall and probable execution by vengeful rebels will likely reinforce Assad’s determination to bludgeon Syrian demonstrators into submission. If he succeeds in resurrecting what was among the grimmest police states in the region, Assad will have delivered the most serious check to date to the Arab spring’s revolutionary momentum. It will also bind Damascus more tightly to Iran, and boost morale among the radical rejectionists in Hezbollah and Hamas. Assad’s survival could also push Iraq, which is apprehensive about a Sunni takeover in Syria, closer to its Shia brethren in Tehran.

Having abetted Libya’s liberation, the United States and its European partners obviously have an interest in encouraging its Transitional National Council to set up an effective and representative central government. This won’t be easy in a relatively backward (despite its oil and gas riches) Arab state rent by tribal and regional divisions and, thanks to 42 years of despotic rule by Gaddafi, lacking in strong civic and national institutions.

The council’s weekend announcement that it is imposing Sharia law throughout Libya has provoked “I told you so” reactions from U.S. “realists” and other critics of NATO’s intervention. But as Obama said, Libya’s road to self-government will be long and winding, and thanks to NATO’s intervention, the West will have some influence over the course of events there.

What’s crucial now is for the U.S. and Europe to turn their attention to Syria’s incipient civil war. Even as Assad’s jets hammer unarmed civilians, there’s no chance of a U.N. sanctioned no fly, no drive zone there. But the West has other means at its disposal to buttress the rebellion, and thereby help sustain the momentum of Arab demands for freedom and justice.

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Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/will-marshall/gaddafi-al-assad_b_1063832.html

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